Protect America without turning national-security power against lawful American speech. Robert R. Motta supports competent intelligence, aggressive foreign-threat detection, strong cybersecurity, lawful declassification, inspector-general oversight, whistleblower protection, and equal justice.
Mike Benz is the founder and executive director of the Foundation for Freedom Online and a former State Department official who worked on international communications and information-technology policy.
In this interview with John Solomon, Benz argues that USAID, State Department programs, intelligence institutions, NGOs, election-security systems, and platform trust-and-safety teams require a far more complete audit. The campaign treats those statements as commentary and research leads—not as final proof against any person or organization.
Embedded videos are offered for voter education. Inclusion does not mean every assertion is adopted as campaign fact.
No individual listed here has accepted a role. Final appointments require qualifications review, ethics and conflict checks, security clearances when needed, and Senate confirmation where the law requires it.
Proposed role: Senior Presidential Adviser for Digital Freedom and Intelligence Reform, and chair of a Presidential Commission on Government-Tech Censorship and Foreign-Assistance Transparency.
This is more legally realistic than promising him control of the CIA. A White House senior-adviser role can be structured without Senate confirmation, while agency-head positions often require confirmation and statutory experience.
Proposed role: Member or chair of a Presidential UAP Disclosure Advisory Board, balanced with military witnesses, scientists, skeptical investigators, whistleblower counsel, civil-liberties experts, and classification professionals.
Greer’s public claims would be evaluated against documents, witness credibility, chain of custody, sensor evidence, conflicts, and reproducibility. Advisory participation would not certify every claim he has made.
Read the lawful disclosure planProposed role: PCAST or Frontier Science Replication Panel member, subject to full credential, ethics, and conflict review, with an opportunity to present Uon Theory for adversarial testing.
The legal “head of White House science policy” is the OSTP Director, a Senate-confirmed position requiring broad science-policy leadership. Motta will not declare any theory settled by campaign decree. The promise is a fair hearing, open data, independent replication, and no ridicule.
Review a public biographyEstablished science, emerging research, and speculative theories will be labeled separately. Federal research support will use transparent milestones, independent replication, conflict disclosure, and public results.
Reform must protect citizens from both foreign operations and domestic abuse.
Record and preserve agency requests, meetings, legal basis, officials involved, emergency rationale, and platform response, with lawful redactions and quarterly reporting.
Ban threats, retaliatory regulation, grant pressure, or informal demands intended to suppress lawful viewpoints. Preserve narrow pathways for imminent threats, crime, fraud, and foreign cyber operations.
Trace prime awards, subgrants, NGO partnerships, media programs, election projects, beneficial ownership, conflicts, and data retention—without presuming guilt based on a donor’s name or political affiliation.
Require source-verification, material exculpatory disclosures, recurring inspector-general audits, stronger amici, disciplinary referrals, and notification or remedy when lawful secrecy no longer requires concealment.
The CIA gathers foreign intelligence. It must not become a domestic political police force, a covert censorship bureau, or a shield for criminal misconduct.
Open intrusive investigations only on documented legal predicates. Apply the same evidence, charging, discovery, and records standards regardless of party or office.
Prioritize cyber defense and critical systems. Election security should protect systems and authenticate foreign operations—not make the federal government the referee of ordinary political truth.
Protect lawful whistleblowers, prevent retaliation, preserve evidence, enforce deadlines, and require public explanations when recommendations are rejected.
Classify only what truly protects sources, methods, operations, or lives. Review politically sensitive historical records on a fixed schedule with written reasons for continued secrecy.
Every daily brief must show confidence, evidence gaps, alternative analysis, dissent, and what would change the judgment. Intelligence serves the Constitution—not a party or president’s ego.
The Mueller report documented sweeping Russian interference but did not establish that the Trump campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian government in the charged sense. The bipartisan Senate investigation examined significant counterintelligence vulnerabilities. The DOJ inspector general found serious Carter Page FISA errors, and Durham sharply criticized the FBI’s handling and analytical standards.
A credible reform campaign does not have to erase one finding to acknowledge another.
A candidate does not receive the classified President’s Daily Brief. Robert R. Motta’s public version uses official records, attributed reporting, creator commentary, confidence labels, red-team analysis, and a decision queue.
It is designed to educate voters and prepare for office without pretending to possess classified intelligence.
Campaign pages should make it easy for voters to leave commentary and inspect the underlying record.
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